{"id":37788,"date":"2024-09-26T09:36:46","date_gmt":"2024-09-26T04:36:46","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/www.bukhari.uz\/?p=37788"},"modified":"2024-09-26T09:39:36","modified_gmt":"2024-09-26T04:39:36","slug":"madaniyatlar-to%ca%bbqnashuvi-geosiyosiy-ixtiloflarning-markazidir","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/bukhari.uz\/?p=37788&lang=oz","title":{"rendered":"MADANIYATLAR TO\u02bbQNASHUVI GEOSIYOSIY IXTILOFLARNING MARKAZIDIR"},"content":{"rendered":"

XXI asr dunyo geosiyosiy jarayonlarida diniy va kibr texnologiyalarining muntazam ixtilofi yuzaga kelmoqda. Dunyoda siyosiy kuchlar muvozanati o\u02bbzgargan bo\u02bblsa-da, uni bo\u02bblib olishga bo\u02bblgan ishtiyoq hamon o\u02bbzgargan emas.\u00a0 Siyosatshunos S.Xantingtonning \u201cMadaniyatlar to\u02bbqnashuvi\u201d asarida\u00a0 xalqaro ziddiyatlar endilikda davlatlar o\u02bbrtasida emas, madaniyatlar o\u02bbrtasida yuz berishi haqida quyidagi fikrini keltiradi: \u201cMening taxminim shundaki, yangi davrning ziddiyatlar omili mafkuraviy, iqtisodiy asoslarda emas, balki madaniy farqlarda namoyon bo\u02bbladi. Xalqaro maydonda eng kuchli faoliyat ko\u02bbrsatuvchilar sifatida milliy davlatlar ustuvorligi ta\u02bcminlanadi. Shu tariqa asosiy to\u02bbqnashuvlar sivilizatsiyalarga tegishli bo\u02bblgan millatlar yoki guruhlar o\u02bbrtasida sodir bo\u02bbladi. Kelajakda qarama-qarshiliklar sivilizatsiyalar o\u02bbrtasidagi yuz beradi. Sivilizatsiyalar o\u02bbrtasidagi to\u02bbqnashuvlar bugungi dunyoning mojarolari evolyutsiyasining eng so\u02bbnggi nuqtasi sifatida namoyon bo\u02bbladi\u201d.[1] Bu jarayonda u madaniyatlar to\u02bbqnashuvi deganda, dinlar\u00a0 o\u02bbrtasidagi nizolarni nazarda tutadi. Bugungi kunda \u201cYevrosiyo\u201d mintaqasida yashayotgan turli millat va elatlar o\u02bbrtasida yuzaga kelgan diniy nizolar bunga sabab bo\u02bblmoqda. Darvoqe, Yaqin Sharq masalasi buning yorqin misolidir.<\/span><\/p>\n

Tarixiy manbalardan ma\u02bclumki, XIV asrda \u201cYevrosiyo\u201d mintaqasining katta qismiga hukmronlik qilgan Buyuk Sohibqiron davrida ham diniy nizolar yuzaga kelgan. \u201cYevrosiyo\u201d mintaqasida kechgan barcha geosiyosiy jarayonlar tarixan shakllangan qat\u02bciy qonuniyat asosida yuz bergan va bu, o\u02bbz navbatida, qit\u02bca markaziga intilish va nazorat qilishga qaratilgan. Markaziy Osiyo o\u02bbsha davrning eng yirik kuchlari, jumladan, Mo\u02bbg\u02bbuliston, Oltin O\u02bbrda, Xitoy, Turkiya va Eron kabi davlatlarning o\u02bbrtasida joylashganligi tufayli turli manfaatlar to\u02bbqnashuvining markazi bo\u02bblib qolgan. Shu tariqa Amir Temur (1386\u20131404) \u2013 Oltin O\u02bbrda, Eron, Iroq, Kavkaz, Kichik Osiyo, Misr va Hindiston yerlariga\u00a0 uch yillik, besh yillik va yetti yillik harbiy yurishlarni amalga oshiradi. Bu yurishlar, shubhasiz, murosasiz va shiddatli tarzda olib borilgan.[2]<\/span><\/p>\n

Amir Temurning Turon davlati vujudga kelishi arafasida unga qo\u02bbshni bo\u02bblgan mintaqa hududlarida nihoyatda murakkab va keskin siyosiy jarayonlar bo\u02bblib o\u02bbtayotgan edi. O\u02bbrta va Yaqin Sharqda kurdlar (Hirot), sarbadorlar (Sabzavor, Nishopur, Astrobod, Mashhad), muzaffariylar (Fors, Kirmon, Kurdiston), jaloiriylar (Iroq, Ozarbayjon, Armaniston, G\u02bbarbiy Eron) Kavkaz va yana bir qancha viloyatlarda kichik-kichik mahalliy sulolalar o\u02bbzaro kurash olib borgan.[3] Ushbu jarayonlar diniy munosabatlarning buzilishiga ta\u02bcsir qilgan hamda \u201cYevrosiyo\u201d mintaqasida geosiyosiy ixtiloflar yuzaga kelishiga sabab bo\u02bblgan.<\/span><\/p>\n

Aksariyat Yevropa manbalarida Amir Temurni mehrsiz, qonxo\u02bbr va jallod deb ta\u02bcrif beriladi. Bu vajlar Hindistonga qilingan harbiy yurish tafsilotlari manbalarini asoslashga qaratiladi. Amir Temur faoliyatiga nisbatan tanqidiy nazarda ijod qilgan R.Grussei keltirgan ma\u02bclumotlariga ko\u02bbra, sohibqiron \u201cqirg\u02bbinbarot urush holatida ham hisobli, farosat bilan insonlarni saqlab qolishga va ularning jasorati uchun ma\u02bclum imtiyozlarni berishga qaratilgan yuksak ma\u02bcrifatini namoyon qilgan. Natijada, Dehlida 100.000 asir qatl etilgani to\u02bbg\u02bbrisida ma\u02bclumot beradi\u201d.[4] R.Grusse fikriga ko\u02bbra, Amir Temur aslida dunyoning eng boy qismlaridan biri bo\u02bblgan Hindistonni talon-toroj qilish maqsadi yo\u02bbq edi. Ammo belgilangan an\u02bcanaga muvofiq, u o\u02bbz harakatlariga diniy tus berdi. Shak-shubhasiz, Dehli turk sultonligi asosan musulmonlardan iborat bo\u02bblgan va ko\u02bbplab hukmdorlar hindularning islom dinini ommaviy qabul qilishi uchun muntazam harakat qilgan. Sohibqiron Hindiston hukmdorlarining butparastlikka nisbatan bag\u02bbrikengligini his qiladi va Zafarnomada aytganidek, bu Hindistonni egallab olish uchun vaj bo\u02bbla oladi. Lekin masala Hindistonda yuzaga kelgan beqaror siyosiy vaziyat hisoblanadi.[5] Ko\u02bbplab yirik viloyat hokimlari o\u02bbzini sulton hukmronligidan ozod qildi va mustaqil musulmon knyazliklariga qo\u02bbshildi.\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n

Yana bir tarixchi olim Jastin Marossi o\u02bbz asarida shunday bayon qiladi: \u201cAmir Temur islom va qon to\u02bbkishni bir-biridan\u00a0 farqlamagan. Bugungi qonli jangi va ertangi ibodati unga axloqiy javobgarlik nuqtayi nazaridan murakkablik tug\u02bbdirmagan. Jumladan, Dehlining yakson etilganligidan bir necha kundan so\u02bbng Jamna daryosi sohilidagi masjidda g\u02bbalabasini nishonlash maqsadida Xudoga shukronalar keltiradi. Bag\u02bbdodda kesilgan boshlardan ko\u02bbtarilgan tepalik va oqqan qon Tigr daryosini to\u02bbldirgan bir paytda Amir Temur VIII asrda qurilgan imom Abu Hanifa masjidiga borib namoz o\u02bbqiydi. Bunday holat har bir qonli g\u02bbalabadan so\u02bbng takrorlanib kelgan. Shuning uchun Amir Temurning tashqi taqvodorligi ifodasi o\u02bbz zamonasi talablariga mos keladi\u201d.[6]<\/span><\/p>\n

Mazkur talqin atrofida Sharafiddin Ali Yazdiy bu hodisani shunday izohlaydi: \u201cVa qatl bo\u02bblg\u02bbon kishini sanab yetmish ming bosh Isfahonda ja\u02bcm bo\u02bbldi. Va ul boshlardin minoralar qo\u02bbpordilar. Haqiqat bu tururkim, ul johillar beoqibat, podshoh amrig\u02bba bo\u02bbyun qo\u02bbymay, uch ming musulmon kishini nohaq o\u02bblturdilar. Ul jihatdin bu holat alarg\u02bba tegdi va mundoq voqe\u02bca Isfahonda hargiz voqi\u02bc bo\u02bblmag\u02bbon turur. Va bu voqe\u02bca dushanba kuni, zulqa\u02bcda oyining oltisida bo\u02bblub turur\u201d.[7] Manbalarda keltirilgan ma\u02bclumotlarga ko\u02bbra, musulmonlarga nisbatan qirg\u02bbinbarot sodir etilgan va bu holat Amir Temurni islom himoyachisi sifatida befarq qoldirmagan. Bu borada Amir Temur, masalan, Hindistonga qilgan yurishini \u201cdinu shariatga rivoj berdim va o\u02bbsha diyor butxonalarini buzdirdim\u201d,[8] deb izoh bergan.<\/span><\/p>\n

Ma\u02bclumotlarga ko\u02bbra, Hindiston bosib olingach, aholisi ulkan talonchilik va katta qirg\u02bbinga duch keladi, yuz ming asir qatl etiladi. G\u02bbalabadan so\u02bbng unga bag\u02bbishlab Qur\u02bcon tilovat qilinadi. \u201cQaysi mamlakatda dindan qaytish, xudosizlik kuchaysa va u diyor aholisi, sipohu raiyat turli maslakka kirib ittifoqi buzilsa, o\u02bbsha mamlakat halokati yaqindir. Chinakam jahongir podshoh bunday yurtni o\u02bbz tasarrufiga olishi lozim. Misol uchun men Iroqi ajam va Fors viloyatlarini mal\u02bcun dinsizlar vujudidan tozaladim, zolim hukmdorlarni ag\u02bbdarib, xudo bandalarini ularning jabr-zulmidan qutqazdim\u201d,[9] deydi.<\/span><\/p>\n

Dunyoda shu kungacha saqlanib qolgan diniy vajlar orqali urush kelib chiqqani ham sir emas. Bugun ham mafkuraviy qutblarga bo\u02bblinish va g\u02bboyaviy tahdidlar keng tarqalgandir. Dunyoning qutblarga (mafkuraviy to\u02bbqnashuvlar) bo\u02bblinishi tarixning takrorlanayotganidan darak beradi.<\/span><\/p>\n

K.S.Gadjiyev bu haqda shunday deydi: \u201cTarixdan ma\u02bclumki, hamma davrlarda barcha urushlar g\u02bboyaviy xarakterga ega bo\u02bblgan. Chunki tomonlarning har biri hayot tarziga va o\u02bbz dushmanining qadriyatlariga tajovuz qilish orqali ustunlikka erishgan\u201d.[10]<\/span><\/p>\n

Amir Temur islom dinini\u00a0 yoyishga butun kuch-quvvatini sarfladi. Shu boisdan ham Sohibqiron ba\u02bczi nomusulmon davlatlarga (masalan, Gurjiston, Armaniston, Hindiston, Xitoy) qilgan yurishlarini, eng avvalo, o\u02bbsha mamlakatlarga islom dinini yoyish (joriy qilish) va musulmonlarga ko\u02bbrsatilayotgan jabr-zulmni bartaraf qilgani bilan izohlagan.[11]<\/span><\/p>\n

V.Kvint \u201cTuzuklar\u201ddagi \u201cdinni tarqatuvchi\u201d maqomini Amir Temurga bergan edi:<\/span><\/p>\n

\u00a0Birinchidan, islom olamini birlashtirish.<\/span><\/p>\n

Ikkinchidan, yangi hududlar aholisini Muhammad alayhissalomning ummatiga aylantirish yo\u02bblidagi missiyasi.[12] Bu esa, Amir Temur islom dini homiysi, posboni va qahramoni bo\u02bblganini anglatadi. Bunday asos mohiyatan ko\u02bbp masalalarga oydinlik kiritadi va barcha harbiy yurishlarining mafkuraviy negizini tashkil etadi.<\/span><\/p>\n

XIV asrda Uzoq Sharq, O\u02bbrta va Markaziy Osiyo mamlakatlarining O\u02bbrta Yer dengizi va Yevropa mamlakatlari bilan savdo-iqtisodiy va madaniy aloqalari yo\u02bblga qo\u02bbyilgan edi. Markaziy Osiyo hududiga \u201cYer o\u02bbqi\u201d \u2013 tortishish kuchi sifatida qaralgan. Bugun XXI asrda ham \u201cYevrosiyo\u201d mintaqasi markazi Markaziy Osiyodir.<\/span><\/p>\n

Amerikalik siyosatchi X.Makkinder tomonidan \u201cHardland\u201d nazariyasi ilgari surildi. Ushbu nazariya bugungi kunda yerning quruqlik qismida joylashgan \u201cYevrosiyo\u201d mintaqasini tashkil yetadi. \u201cYevrosiyo\u201d mintaqasining\u00a0 markazi esa Markaziy Osiyo geomadaniy mintaqadir. Markaziy Osiyo mintaqasini nazorat qilish\u00a0 uchun qudratli davlatlar o\u02bbrtasida doimo diniy, siyosiy, madaniy, iqtisodiy kabi sohalarda ixtiloflar yuzaga kelmoqda.<\/span><\/p>\n

Xulosa o\u02bbrnida shuni ta\u02bckidlash joizki, dunyo geosiyosiy xaritasida mafkuralarning o\u02bbzgarishi, insoniyat rivojini va uning tafakkuri bilan bog\u02bbliq muammolarni o\u02bbzgartirgan emas. Aksincha, muammolarning yangi, shiddatliroq, global ziddiyatlarini keltirib chiqarmoqda. Shu tufayli, bugungi dunyoning global muammosi umuminsoniy qadriyatlar mohiyatini anglab yetishdagi qiyinchilikda namoyon bo\u02bblmoqda. Dunyoning yaxlitligi va uning istiqbolini faqat umuminsoniy qadriyatlar kafolatlashi mumkin. Masalan, milliy manfaatlar ehtiyojini qay vositalar asosida to\u02bbldirishga qaratilgan siyosat bilan ifodalandi. Amir Temurning tashqi siyosatida g\u02bbayritabiiy g\u02bbalabalarni ta\u02bcminlab bergan geosiyosiy faoliyatni o\u02bbrganish hamon katta qiziqish va bahs-munozalarga sabab bo\u02bblib kelmoqda. Holbuki, Sohibqironning \u201cYevrosiyo\u201d mintaqasida olib borgan yurishlari ayrim muarrixlar tomonidan bosqinchilik va talonchilik sifatida talqin etib kelinayotgan bo\u02bblsa, ayrimlar uning timsolini ideallashtirishga intiladilar. Umuman, ilmda bir tomonlama yondashuvlar hech qachon xolislikka olib kelgan emas. Davlat manfaatlari xoh ichki, xoh tashqi siyosat bo\u02bblsin, hokimiyat irodasi bilan ta\u02bcminlanadi. Shu jihatdan har qanday manfaatlar himoyasidagi urush zo\u02bbravonlik, bosqinchilik bilan kuzatilishi uning tabiatida mavjud hodisa. Binobarin, insoniyat tarixida ma\u02bcrifatli urushlar bo\u02bblmagan. Amir Temur bobomiz bu ikki qutbli kurashlarda boshqalardan ko\u02bbra aqlli, uddaburon, muvaffaqiyatli, insofli va diyonatli inson edi. U go\u02bbzal shaharlarni, bog\u02bblarni, ekin-tikin qilingan yerlarni yaxshi ko\u02bbrgan. Mabodo, dalalarni payhon qilish, shaharlarni vayron qilishga to\u02bbg\u02bbri kelgan bo\u02bblsa-da, bu faqat zarurat yuzasidan, vaziyat taqozosi bilan amalga oshirilgan. \u201cYevrosiyo\u201d mintaqasida vujudga kelgan geosiyosiy vaziyatni tarixiy obyektivlik nuqtayi nazaridan emas, muayyan manfaatlar doirasida talqin etish va bunda Amir Temurning \u201cbosqinchilik\u201d qiyofasini shakllantirish istagi saqlanib kelayotganligi mafkuraviy kurashlarning hamon davom etib kelayotganligidan dalolat beradi. Xalqning shonli tarixi va shavkatli shaxslari qanchalik qoralansa, uning avlodlarini shunchalik ko\u02bbproq tahqirlanishi oson kechadi. Shunday ekan, Amir Temur hukmronlik qilgan davrning bugungi zamonaviy urushlardan qanday farqi bor ekanligini fahmlash uchun \u201cdemokratiya\u201d bayrog\u02bbi tig\u02bbi ostida bugun minglab emas, millionlab begunoh odamlar qurbon bo\u02bblayotgani tarixiy haqiqatdir. Afsuski, mazkur mafkuraviy talqinlar zamirida, aksincha, muammolarning yangi, shiddatliroq, global ziddiyatlari yotadi. U islom dini G\u02bbarb uchun katta tahdid soluvchi yirik madaniyat sifatida qaraydi. Bunday munosabat madaniyatlar o\u02bbrtasidagi mavjud ziddiyatlarni chuqurlashtirish mumkinligini pisand qilmaydi. Ziddiyatlarning negiziga chuqurroq qaraydigan bo\u02bblsak, bugungi kunda muammolarning inson omili bilan bog\u02bbliq bo\u02bblgan nosog\u02bblom tendensiyalarning tobora ortib borayotganligini kuzatish mumkin. U xalqaro miqyosdagi gegemonlik qilish kayfiyati bilan boshqalardan ustunlik qila olish ruhiyatini shakllantirishga qaratilgan. Bunday siyosat turli vositalar orqali muayyan davlatning xalqaro tizimdagi nufuzining ortib borishi, ikkinchi bir davlat mavqeining pasayishi evaziga amalga oshiriladi. Shu sababdan global jarayonlar o\u02bbz bag\u02bbrida murosasiz ixtiloflarning yashirin ziddiyatlarini saqlab keladi.\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n

Foydalanilgan adabiyotlar:<\/strong><\/span><\/div>\n
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    Alimardonov T.T. Amir Temur imperiyasi. \u2013 T.: Yangi asr avlodi, 2021. \u2013B.199.<\/span><\/div>\n<\/li>\n
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    Boltayev B. \u201cAmir Temurning milliy davlatchilik siyosati: tarix va hozirgi zamon\u201d mavzuidagi Amir Temur tavalludining 670-yilligiga bag\u02bbishlangan ilmiy konferensiya materiallari. Amir Temur davlatining xavfsizligi va xalqaro aloqalarni kengaytirish uchun kurash. \u2013 T.: Fan, 2006. \u2013 B.256.<\/span><\/div>\n<\/li>\n
  3. \u0414\u0436\u0430\u0441\u0442\u0438\u043d \u041c\u0430\u0440\u043e\u0446\u0446\u0438. \u0422\u0430\u043c\u0435\u0440\u043b\u0430\u043d: \u0437\u0430\u0432\u043e\u0435\u0432\u0430\u0442\u0435\u043b\u044c \u043c\u0438\u0440\u0430. \u0418\u0437\u0434. \u00ab\u0410\u0441\u0442\u0440\u0435\u043b\u00bb. \u2013 \u0421. 48.<\/span><\/li>\n
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    \u0413\u0440\u0443\u0441\u0441\u0435 \u0420\u0435\u043d\u0435. \u0418\u043c\u043f\u0435\u0440\u0438\u044f \u0441\u0442\u0435\u043f\u0435\u0439. \u0410\u0442\u0438\u043b\u043b\u0430, \u0427\u0438\u043d\u0433\u0438\u0437\u0445\u0430\u043d, \u0422\u0430\u043c\u0435\u0440\u043b\u0430\u043d. \u0418\u0437\u0434. \u00ab\u0421\u0430\u043d\u0430\u0442\u00bb, 2006. \u2013 \u0421. 322\u2013330.<\/span><\/div>\n<\/li>\n
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    \u0413\u0430\u0434\u0436\u0438\u0435\u0432, \u041a. \u0421. \u0412\u0432\u0435\u0434\u0435\u043d\u0438\u0435 \u0432 \u043f\u043e\u043b\u0438\u0442\u0438\u0447\u0435\u0441\u043a\u0443\u044e \u0444\u0438\u043b\u043e\u0441\u043e\u0444\u0438\u044e: \u0443\u0447\u0435\u0431. \u043f\u043e\u0441\u043e\u0431\u0438\u0435 \/ \u041a. \u0421. \u0413\u0430\u0434\u0436\u0438\u0435\u0432. \u2013 \u041c.: \u041b\u043e\u0433\u043e\u0441, 2011. \u2013 \u0421.405.<\/span><\/div>\n<\/li>\n
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    Temur tuzuklari. \u2013 T.: Sharq, 2005. \u2013 B.112.<\/span><\/div>\n<\/li>\n
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    Kvint V. Amir Temurning strategik yetakchiligi: \u201cTuzuklar\u201d ga izohlar. \u2013 Toshkent \u2013Sankt-Peterburg, 2021.\u2013 B.63.<\/span><\/div>\n<\/li>\n
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    Uvatov U. Sohibqiron arab muarrixlari nigohida. \u2013T.: Sharq,1997. \u2013 B.79.<\/span><\/div>\n<\/li>\n
  10. \u0425\u0430\u043d\u0442\u0438\u043d\u0433\u0442\u043e\u043d \u0421\u044d\u043c\u044e\u044d\u043b. \u0421\u0442\u043e\u043b\u043a\u043d\u043e\u0432\u0435\u043d\u0438\u0435 \u0446\u0438\u0432\u0438\u043b\u0438\u0437\u0430\u0446\u0438\u0438? \/\/\u042d\u043a\u043e\u043d\u043e\u043c\u0438\u0447\u0435\u0441\u043a\u043e\u0435 \u043e\u0431\u043e\u0437\u0440\u0435\u043d\u0438\u0435. 1998. \u2116 1. \u2013 \u0421. 67.<\/span><\/li>\n
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    Sharafiddin Ali Yazdiy. Zafarnoma. \u2013 T.: Sharq, 1997. \u2013 B.115.<\/span><\/div>\n<\/li>\n
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    https:\/\/cyberleninka.ru\/article\/n\/evraziya-v-mirovoy-politike-retrospektivnyy-i-perspektivnyy-diskursy\/viewer<\/span><\/div>\n<\/li>\n<\/ol>\n
    DILNOZA TOG\u02bbAYEVA,<\/span><\/strong><\/div>\n
    O\u02bbzDJTU 2-bosqich doktoranti<\/span><\/strong><\/div>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

    XXI asr dunyo geosiyosiy jarayonlarida diniy va kibr texnologiyalarining muntazam ixtilofi yuzaga kelmoqda. Dunyoda siyosiy kuchlar muvozanati o\u02bbzgargan bo\u02bblsa-da, uni bo\u02bblib olishga bo\u02bblgan ishtiyoq hamon o\u02bbzgargan emas.\u00a0 Siyosatshunos S.Xantingtonning \u201cMadaniyatlar to\u02bbqnashuvi\u201d asarida\u00a0 xalqaro ziddiyatlar endilikda davlatlar o\u02bbrtasida emas, madaniyatlar o\u02bbrtasida yuz berishi haqida quyidagi fikrini keltiradi: \u201cMening taxminim shundaki, yangi davrning ziddiyatlar omili mafkuraviy, iqtisodiy …<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":37789,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[639],"tags":[],"yoast_head":"\nMADANIYATLAR TO\u02bbQNASHUVI GEOSIYOSIY IXTILOFLARNING MARKAZIDIR - Imom Buxoriy xalqaro ilmiy-tadqiqot markazi<\/title>\n<meta name=\"description\" content=\"MADANIYATLAR TO\u02bbQNASHUVI GEOSIYOSIY IXTILOFLARNING MARKAZIDIR\" \/>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" href=\"https:\/\/bukhari.uz\/?p=37788&lang=oz\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale\" content=\"en_US\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:type\" content=\"article\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:title\" content=\"MADANIYATLAR TO\u02bbQNASHUVI GEOSIYOSIY IXTILOFLARNING MARKAZIDIR - 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